Example sentences of "access to occupational [noun sg] " in BNC.

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1 Meanwhile employers continued to expand occupational provision for full-time salaried and some manual grades of staff , to the extent that full-time employment in the public sector became largely synonymous with access to occupational scheme membership .
2 Such benefits can to some extent compensate a widow for lack of access to occupational scheme benefits in her own right and for financial disadvantage arising from the traditional domestic division of labour .
3 The implications of this unequal access to occupational pension schemes during paid employment are that older married couples and lone men , regardless of age , are much more likely than lone women to have occupational pensions ; three-fifths have income from such pensions compared with two-fifths of lone women .
4 What are the links between female poverty in old age and access to occupational pension scheme benefits ?
5 Women 's access to occupational pension benefits , particularly those derived from their own ( not a husband 's ) paid work record , is a crucial issue in the light of the major changes to retirement pension provision enacted in 1986 ( see Groves , 1991 ) .
6 The above scenario helps to explain the part played by access to occupational pension scheme benefits in determining the income levels of the elderly women whose financial circumstances were studied between 1959 and 1965 .
7 The Government Actuary 's 1983 and 1987 surveys show that , during the years since the 1975 survey , about half of all men in private sector employment had access to occupational pension provision .
8 It might be thought that the present generation of ‘ younger ’ retired women have , by virtue of improved access to occupational pension benefits , greatly reduced their risk of poverty in old age , which for women officially begins five years earlier than men at the ‘ pensionable age ’ of 60 .
9 The Department of Employment 's survey of women who were of working age in 1980 ( Martin and Roberts , 1984 ) presents much evidence to explain why most women do not complete lengthy periods of pensionable service and why , where they have had access to occupational pension benefits , they tend to end up with lower weekly rates of pension and smaller lump sums than their male contemporaries .
10 Women 's work has always been highly segregated ( Hakim , 1981 ) , with important implications for female access to occupational pension benefits .
11 But as noted , this still leaves a substantial number of women with , over a working lifetime , limited access to occupational pension benefits in their own right .
12 This chapter has attempted to explain why women have had unequal access to occupational pension benefits as compared with men .
13 To date , given the inadequate levels of state pension provision and the limited opportunities most women have had to save or invest for old age , their limited access to occupational pension scheme membership has been a major factor in the construction of female poverty in old age .
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