Example sentences of "we see in [noun] " in BNC.

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31 We saw in Chapter 3 that the law now offers you some protection if there is a ‘ transfer of undertaking ’ , although not if there is a mere sale of shareholding control .
32 As we saw in Chapter 4 , your contract may cater for a wide variety of perks , such as :
33 We saw in Chapter 6 that fixed-term contracts offer one , strictly limited , means of contracting out of statutory rights .
34 As we saw in Chapter 5 , your freedom to move elsewhere may be limited in a number of ways .
35 As we saw in chapter 3 , logs convert multiplicative processes into additive ones , since log ( ab ) = log ( a ) + log ( b ) .
36 As we saw in chapter 8 , a logistic transformation can help straighten out a flat S-shaped curve ( figure 8.5 ) .
37 Although incomes in the 1980s were substantially higher in real terms than they were at the end of the 1950s , there has been no sustained decrease in inequality ; in fact , as we saw in chapter 5 ( figure 5.5 ) , income inequality in Britain increased sharply after 1976 .
38 As we saw in chapter 12 , there is another quite different intellectual reason for wanting to control for a third factor when assessing the relationship between two variables .
39 As we saw in Chapter 2 , such prices are sometimes referred to as ‘ cost-plus ’ prices .
40 As we saw in Chapter 4 the stress concentration at the tip of a crack is about : Now in many materials , R , the tip radius of the crack , remains constant whatever the crack length , so that as the crack gets longer , the stress concentration gets worse .
41 The trouble is , as we saw in Chapter 2 , that time is the one resource par excellence that teachers feel short of .
42 But the laxity with which he argues for its deployment , as we saw in Chapter 3 , gives inherent value a defiantly marshmallow consistency .
43 Animals obey orders , the guard-dog does its duty , but as we saw in Chapter 5 , such attributions involve a language-game only reminiscent of the human paradigm .
44 As we saw in Chapter 3 , the population of the village of Fournou Korifi was probably only 25 or 30 .
45 Led by Robert E. Park , this group of researchers , as we saw in chapter 1 , devoted their research efforts to detailed studies of their own city .
46 As we saw in Chapter III , that a person does a particular job , lives in a particular town or is a vegetarian is usually regarded as a contingent fact about them .
47 However , as we saw in Chapter V , this view is difficult to sustain , and certainly , should not be asserted in so cavalier a fashion .
48 As we saw in Chapter III , much of the longstanding disagreement between exponents of the two views stem from their commitment to distinct and incompatible conceptions of the individual ( a commitment which gives rise , on one side , to absolute holism ) .
49 In addition , as we saw in Chapter III , it concerns the kind of factor which makes the relevant counterfactual claims true .
50 We saw in Chapter 1 that there was no logical reason for classical criminology 's omission of individual , social and economic factors .
51 As we saw in Chapter 2 , in his criticism of subcultural theory Matza favoured a return to the less deterministic , less differentiated view of the criminal that was characteristic of classical criminology though , in his later work ( Matza , 1969 ) he moved to a more fully indeterminist view .
52 The title ‘ administrative criminology ’ is of significance in that it is the title that Vold gave to the classical criminology of Beccaria and Bentham ( as we saw in Chapter 1 ) .
53 We saw in Chapter 1 that , in Britain , there is some dispute as to when rehabilitation began to make serious inroads into penal practice : Foucault saw it as manifesting itself in the rise of the prison as the dominant penal institution ; Garland puts it much later , in the early part of this century .
54 The most quantitatively significant development in terms of content this century has not been rehabilitation but deterrence ( through the massive expansion in the use of the fine , as we saw in Chapter 2 ) .
55 As we saw in Chapter 1 , there are unresolved conflicts between Beccaria 's fundamental assumptions about the nature of human beings , the social contract and the functions of punishment , on the one hand , and the particular mode of control that he derives from them , on the other .
56 They are part of the conception of human rationality which , as we saw in Chapter 1 , is one of the starting assumptions of classical criminology .
57 ( We saw in Chapter One how some thinkers have advocated utilitarianism in a consciously attitudinist spirit . )
58 As we saw in Chapter 2 the expansion of large capital intensive firms has been promoted in a flexible industrial structure which permits them to adjust quickly to changes in demand .
59 As we saw in Chapter 5 , the buying and selling of foreign currencies by the Bank of England , using sterling , can have an effect on the domestic money stock .
60 As we saw in Chapter Three , establishing such privity on anonymous stock markets is , in strict legal terms , virtually much impossible .
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