Example sentences of "of workers ' " in BNC.

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1 They had wrested factory management from the hands of the very right-wing Congress of Mining Industrialists which had disallowed even neutral forms of workers ' control in 1917 .
2 But , even in defeat , the unions had succeeded in imprinting the notion of workers ' power on the minds of the public .
3 A rise of between 17 and 20 per cent was agreed , amounting to £64 a week , a dramatic demonstration of workers ' power .
4 As in 1926 , so in 1985 the old legend of the impact of workers ' solidarity and union power had been exploded .
5 But despite last night 's developments , Mrs Thatcher is still likely to be in a minority of one — both on completion date for monetary union and on her continued opposition to the European Social Charter of workers ' rights .
6 She had already found herself in isolation over progress to monetary union and the endorsement of a social charter of workers ' rights , and it became clear that the new European Community order would be built on an even closer alliance of France and West Germany .
7 Dame Margaret Cole , for instance , suggested that the General Strike killed off the ‘ romantic vision of workers ' control ’ .
8 In many ways it was a sad ending for a tutor who had given some twenty years to the cause of workers ' education in the county and perhaps the most sincere and apposite appreciation of her many qualities came most appropriately from a member of the Kettering branch :
9 An influx of volunteers , it was felt , may give managers an opportunity to take advantage of workers ' particular skills and interests .
10 A second important moderating factor is the strength of workers ' need to ‘ grow ’ in the job .
11 While all the studies used for this paper do not attain this ideal , the effort to articulate material that is not readily available through more conventional studies of workers ' images of society , for instance , may serve to make some point in the social landscape between the ‘ centres ’ of workers ' and managers ' worlds and that of social scientists .
12 While all the studies used for this paper do not attain this ideal , the effort to articulate material that is not readily available through more conventional studies of workers ' images of society , for instance , may serve to make some point in the social landscape between the ‘ centres ’ of workers ' and managers ' worlds and that of social scientists .
13 But precisely how this power was to be used to reach what appears to be the ultimate goal of workers ' control is not conceptualised .
14 By the end of the year the UDC , which in the summer had fully backed Leeds and urged its local branches to support the establishment of Workers ' and Soldiers Councils , had come round to full support for the Labour Party .
15 The failure of the Leeds Convention 's call for the establishment of Workers ' and Soldiers ' Councils reflected the inappropriate nature of the proposed organizational structures , not the absence of popular support for peace agitation as such .
16 Similarly , a good deal of attention has been directed to the important and topical issues of workers ' participation in enterprise decision-making , along with ‘ international ’ studies concerned with the operation and labour relations implications of multinational corporations .
17 The enterprise-based bargaining structure is closely intertwined with the structure of workers ' trade unions .
18 Our report emphasised the rationality of workers ' behaviour in relation to their own goals and working situation .
19 Others emphasize capitalism 's success in raising the majority of workers ' living standards , as the most famous early Marxist revisionist , Eduard Bernstein ( 1961 ) , contended .
20 On the very day of the Manifesto a central strike committee in the capital proclaimed itself the St Petersburg Soviet ( Council ) of Workers ' Deputies .
21 Evaluations may also be made of the whole work group so that judgements are made of workers ' attitudes and performance at both levels .
22 We can agree with him therefore that the Pioneers were wrong in their view that the abolition of workers ' rights , expressed as a bonus to labour , was a misdirection of the Movement — but wrong only because there was then no other direction for it to take .
23 Of the Scottish Daily News , the study finds that it was inadequately financed from the outset ; was poorly equipped ; so applied the principle of workers ' control as to make ‘ executive decision taking impossible if not farcical ’ ; and produced an unacceptable product .
24 However that may have been , there is no doubting that at plant level and in two cases ( the Scottish Daily News and KME ) an ideological perception of workers ' control precluded the effective delegation of executive authority to management .
25 Phizacklea and Miles warn of the limits of any strategy premised on the assumption ( made in the 1970s by the TUC and the Labour Party ) that ‘ the way to eliminate working-class racism was to provide counter-arguments to common racist beliefs ’ , to push out of workers ' heads an ideological baggage primarily produced by the dominant class and replace it by ‘ the truth ’ .
26 On the very day of the Manifesto a central strike committee in the capital proclaimed itself the St Petersburg Soviet ( Council ) of Workers ' Deputies .
27 From the 1880s thousands of activists began to establish direct contact with workers on the factory floor and acquired detailed knowledge of workers ' conditions and grievances .
28 ‘ True ’ workers ' control will never spring into existence in fully fledged form and socialists must fight , within the present society , for democratic measures which can help to ‘ de-mystify ’ management and raise radical questions concerning the organisation of work and the goals of production , whether these measures involve the accountability of managerial agents or the promotion of workers ' plans .
29 There was also a reluctance to attempt the transformation of the unions which would have been required to turn them into instruments of workers ' control , since this would clearly have introduced an element of responsibility which was foreign to the previous practice of trade unionism , and would have meant taking on board the awkward problem of reconciling , within a reconstructed union framework , the interests of workers in the given nationalised industry and the interests of working people as a whole , as regards the running of that industry .
30 In the context of the mobilisation and assertiveness of organised labour under Heath 's government , the industrial policy proposals became charged with a stronger element of workers ' control which was seen as an essential component of the ‘ planning agreements ’ to be made with large enterprises , and vital to their enforcement .
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